bantayog.foundation

bantayog.foundation

PEDRO, Purificacion A.

Pedro, purificacion

“To be of service to one’s brother is to live meaningfully,” she said. Purificacion Pedro, a social worker, did live a meaningful life of service, but it was cut short, as she lay wounded in a hospital, by a brutal engagement with one of the Marcos dictatorship’s most notorious torturers.

She was a social work graduate of the University of the Philippines, and had distinguished herself by obtaining 10th place in the 1969 national board examination for social workers. Her first job was at the National Rehabilitation Training Center, a government facility providing services for the physical handicapped.

In 1970, Pedro, called Puri by her friends, began to work at the Immaculate Conception Parish in Cubao, Quezon City. She helped run a parish day nursery, a sewing group for urban poor women and handled the educational program of two cooperatives. She worked with the urban poor and the out-of-school youth by holding summer camps and leadership seminars. During the floods in 1972, she volunteered her services, bringing medicine and relief goods to many affected areas around Quezon City. She also worked at Our Lady of Fatima Parish in Mandaluyong, Rizal, with emphasis on Christian community-building and leaders’ formation.

She left her parish job in 1975 and worked as a volunteer for the organizations supporting the anti-Chico Dam movement in Northern Luzon. She knew that it would be more dangerous than the work she had been doing in Quezon City. In a letter to her parents, she said: “I am aware of the difficulties and risks, but I have learned a lot by now…. I am glad that I am finding fulfilment in the career that I have chosen; surely not because of the monetary benefits professionals are after, but rather because this allows me to be among the people, both poor and the middle class…who aspire and are working for true human development.”

In 1976, she was due to join the staff of the Catholic church’s Luzon Secretariat for Social Action (LUSSA).
Before starting on her new job, however, Pedro went on a trip to Bataan where she visited friends in a New People’s Army (NPA) guerrilla camp. It was a bad time to go visiting, because a military operation was in progress at the area. She was caught in an armed encounter, with a bullet wound in her shoulder.

Pedro’s family found her at the Bataan Provincial Hospital, recovering from her wound and under military guard. Relatives took turns watching her, as she feared for her life. On the sixth day of her confinement, however, a team of interrogators came from Manila and forced their way into the hospital room. They were led by Col. Rolando Abadilla, a constabulary officer who had already been implicated in numerous accounts of torture and abuse of political detainees. Abadilla and his men ordered Puri's sister to leave the room then locked themselves in with their captive for about an hour. After they had left, their victim was found dead inside the bathroom, strangled by a piece of wire; in her hand was a medal of the Virgin Mary.

PARENTS Genaro Pedro and Maria Abarro

EDUCATION
Elementary: Shamrock Elementary School, Laoag City
Secondary: Holy Spirit Academy, Laoag City
College: University of the Philippines Diliman

PESQUESA, Florencio S.

pesquesa

The case of Florencio Pesquesa, a workers’ union leader who disappeared in 1979, illustrates how under martial law, powerful forces colluded with each other in suppressing people’s rights and covering up abuses against the defenseless people.

Pesquesa was born in Canlubang, Laguna, where thousands of workers toiled on huge tracts of land to produce the sugar that was the Philippines’ no. 1 export commodity for most of the 20th century. His father worked there as a train machinist and the young Florencio was also employed for a time as warehouse checker. But employment at the plantation, from which its owners gained untold wealth, barely assured the survival of the farmworkers. The
Pesquesa family remained poor.

Seeking more stable pay, in the 1960s the younger Pesquesa enlisted with the Philippine Constabulary and by 1969 had been promoted to master sergeant, stationed in Sta. Cruz, Laguna. After learning that he was due for deployment in Mindanao – at the time heavy fighting was already going on in the rebellious Moro regions, and besides his wife was ill – he resigned from the service. To support his growing family, he began tilling a piece of land owned by his father-in-law. Not long after, however, the farm had to be sold. The Pesquesa family was forced to move to Inchican, Silang, Cavite, where relatives took them in.

Most of the people there worked for Hacienda Inchican, owned by Jose Campos, a crony of President Marcos who also owned a giant pharmaceutical and drugstore chain among other businesses. Seeking to defend their rights against increasingly oppressive management policies, the workers affiliated with the National Federation of Sugarcane Workers (NFSW) in December 1974. Florencio Pesquesa, “Ka Pisyong,” was designated organizer of the local NFSW chapter. “He was a good man who devoted his time to the workers’ welfare. He was sincerely committed to his fellow workers,” attested his friend, vice president of the Inchican labor union.

When Pesquesa and more than 80 other workers were booted out for their union activities, they fought back by filing a case with the National Labor Relations Commission for union-busting and unfair labor practices of the hacienda management. They persevered despite delaying tactics by management, harassment of the workers and their families, employment of scabs on the plantation, further lowering of the daily wage, and more dismissals. After more than a year, the case was resolved in favor of the workers. Still, management refused to comply with full implementation of the decision. More reprisals against the workers followed. Two union members were killed under suspicious circumstances.
Pesquesa continued to serve the union, although he knew that it was dangerous to do so considering the company’s influence and resources. In January 1978, at the Inchican community fiesta, the hacienda’s chief “cane guard” openly vowed to kill him for his union activities, claiming that management had paid for this to happen. Ka Pisyong did take precautions while attending to his duties, but one year later the threat was apparently carried out.

On January 3, 1979, Pesquesa and a nephew were accosted by two armed men accompanied by two local barangay captains who knew Ka Pisyong. The armed men told Pesquesa they were agents of the Civilian Investigation Service of the Philippine Constabulary, and that they were taking him to Bicutan in Taguig, Metro Manila, for interrogation. They sent away his nephew, who was then able to inform Ka Pisyong’s wife of the abduction. She immediately went to look for him, starting with the two barangay captains, but they denied any knowledge or participation in the crime. Higher-level authorities similarly refused to cooperate.

After the dictatorship was ousted in 1986, some properties belonging to Marcos or his cronies came under the control of the new government. Thus, the workers of Hacienda Inchican petitioned for its transfer to the tillers, and lots were eventually awarded. They also asked for an investigation into the disappearance of Ka Pisyong, but the missing union leader was never seen again.

PARENTS Teodoro Pesquesa and Salome Salvador
SPOUSE / CHILDREN Florencia Patapat / 6

EDUCATION
Elementary: Balagbag Elementary School, Canlubang, Laguna
Secondary: Tanauan High School, Batangas

RAGRAGIO, Clemente P.

ragragio

For 30 years, Clemente Ragragio had been a good and faithful public servant. He was the municipal sanitation inspector of Ligao and later, the small town of Oas, one of the poorest in Albay province.

Roads were bad. Doctor’s visits or hospital care was out of the question for most local residents. Malnutrition was common, especially among children.

Ragragio didn’t just sit in his office and wait to be called. He organized the health services in the barangays of Oas, paying attention to the construction of toilets, assuring the supply of safe water to the community and putting up a system of distribution. He visited even the remote villages, making sure he brought along some medicines for distribution.

Thus, people trusted and respected him. In 1983, he was named Best Sanitary Inspector for the whole province, and he was being considered for a promotion as head of the provincial office.

But maybe because he knew first-hand about the situation at the grassroots, Ragragio was not happy. He believed that the government’s wrong priorities and disregard for the people's rights were the reason why Oas and its people were poor and deprived of services. Although the Bicol region was heavily militarized, he openly criticized the government’s neglect of his province.

He was kindhearted and easy to get along with, but also independent-minded and principled. After the assassination of Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. in 1983, he joined the Bicol chapter of the militant Bagong Alyansang Makabayan and became an active member of its municipal steering committee.

It was a time when people’s organizations – farmers, tricycle drivers, human-rights advocates – had found the courage to publicly resist the dictatorship. Voicing out their grievances and demands, they sent delegations to various protest actions in the big cities of Bicol such as Legazpi, Sorsogon and Naga. There was also much talk of guerrilla successes in the countryside. Pro-Marcos local officials gave full cooperation to the military in trying to suppress the opposition.

Somehow, Ragragio found himself a target of speculation by some authorities: they said that because he could freely move about in the barrios, he must be a secret supporter of the rebels. In 1985 the sleepy town of Oas was hit by a series of political killings.

On the day that Ragragio was shot dead, he had attended a protest rally in the town of Daraga marking the second anniversary of Ninoy Aquino’s death. There had been a “hukumang bayan” (people’s tribunal) that found the regime guilty of crimes against the people.

That evening he was relaxing at home, taking in the breeze in his front yard, when a gunman walked up and fired three bullets with a handgun, before escaping. No investigation was made by either the civilian, police or military authorities.

Despite the shock and fear that followed, many people flocked to pay Ragragio their last respects. Above his coffin hung a banner which read: “Happy are those who pay the price to make their dreams come true.”
Just six months after he was silenced, the dictatorship was finally ousted.

PARENTS Gil Ragragio and Alejandra Patricio
SPOUSE / CHILDREN Arsenia Rayco / 8

EDUCATION
Elementary: Oas South Central School, Oas, Albay
Secondary: Ateneo de Naga
College: Ateneo de Naga; Bicol College, Albay

RESUS, Arnulfo A.

resus

Influenced by his parents, Arnulfo Resus was a regular churchgoer, attended Sunday school and mastered the Bible even as a child. Later he himself served as Sunday school teacher and was active in the Christian Youth Fellowship program.

He was the second of four children of a typically middle-class family. His father was a former member of the Philippine Air Force. Arnulfo, called Noli, had a well-ordered childhood. He got excellent grades in school, and was also good at drawing, painting and declamation.

He entered the University of the Philippines in Diliman as a full scholar in geodetic engineering in 1969. There he joined the Kabataang Makabayan and the Student Christian Movement of the Philippines. During the floods that hit Metro Manila and Central Luzon in the early 1970s, he was among the volunteer workers who brought medicines and relief goods to flood victims in Tatalon, Quezon City which was a stone's throw away from their house.

Resus stayed active with the United Church of Christ in the Philippines, giving talks and organizing youths. He became well known among his church members as a sharp critic of the Marcos government's increasingly repressive rule. Eventually he transferred to the Philippine Christian University where he started to attract the attention of military intelligence. When martial law was declared in 1972, he went underground and continued to organize for the anti-dictatorship movement. He also became a member of the banned Christians for National Liberation.

In 1974 he was arrested in Quiapo, and badly tortured by those who arrested him. For a while he was held incommunicado inside a dungeon where, as he recounted to his father, he could neither stand, nor sit, nor lie down in the space that was purposely built for such confinement. With the incessant pleadings by his father with friends in the military, Resus was released after eight months; no charges were filed against him.

In late 1975, shortly after his release, Resus married Aida Carlos, a fellow church member who was also an activist. Soon after, the couple left for Northern Luzon as community organizers for the underground. Then In February 1977, his family received the news that he had been killed by government forces in Isabela province. The fate of his wife remained unknown.

The body of Arnulfo Resus was never recovered. On December 27, 1985, he was given posthumous honors by the Student Christian Movement of the Philippines.

PARENTS Ruben Resus and Corazon Altamirano
SPOUSE Aida Carlos

EDUCATION
Elementary: Eulogio Rodriguez Elementery School, Mandaluyong
Secondary: Manila Science High School
College: University of the Philippines Diliman; Philippine Christian University;
Philippine College of Commerce

REYES, Jose B.L.

reyes

By the time martial law was declared in September 1972, Justice J. B. L. Reyes had stepped down from the judiciary, having reached the mandatory retirement age of 70 on August 19 the previous month. But his admirers said, only half-jokingly, that President Marcos really waited one month more to sign the decree because he didn’t want Reyes in the Supreme Court when he imposed his despotic rule.

Such was the moral and legal authority of Jose Benedicto Luis Reyes, better known as JBL Reyes, conferred upon him by a long and distinguished career that began after he passed the bar in 1922, up to the 18 years (1954 to 1972) that he served in the highest court of the land.

He made an invaluable contribution to legal thought in the Philippines, particularly through his work in the Supreme Court, where he wrote many landmark decisions that continued to guide jurisprudence for many years.
Moreover, there was never any stain on Reyes' personal integrity. As a jurist, his decisions were accepted by all without any doubt about his motive or subjective considerations.

Under the dictatorship, it was clear to everyone where Justice Reyes stood – on the side of human rights and the people’s aspirations for democracy. (In 1937, he was one of the founding members of the Civil Liberties Union of the Philippines and was imprisoned in Fort Santiago for activities in the anti-Japanese resistance during World War II.)

He gave wise counsel to the leaders of the anti-dictatorship opposition, and lent his name to the legal battles they were fighting. He engaged in “constructive criticism of the Supreme Court” which at the time was not much help against Marcos’ so-called constitutional authoritarianism. He served as the first elected president of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines (IBP), leading the country’s lawyers at a time when the rule of law had been twisted upside-down by the dictatorial regime.

After the ouster of Marcos, Reyes accepted an appointment from President Corazon Aquino to serve as acting chairman of the Presidential Commission on Human Rights, replacing Jose W. Diokno who had resigned in protest against the massacre of peasants at Mendiola in January 1987. Reyes headed the PCHR from February to May 1987.
He died on December 12, 1994 at the age of 92.

PARENTS Ricardo A. Reyes and Maria C. Luna
SPOUSE / CHILDREN Rosario L. Reyes / 3

EDUCATION
Elementary / Secondary: Ateneo de Manila
College: Ateneo de Manila; University of the Philippines
Postgraduate: University of Santo Tomas

ROBLES, Reynaldo L.

robles

Reynaldo Robles had a good singing voice. As a teenaged boy of 18 he participated in the talent search Student Canteen, and was declared champion of that week. That same year, he joined Sing-out Philippines, a well-known musical group as a guitarist and singer. He played in “combos,” as youth bands were called at the time (Bob Dylan was his favorite artist), and he enjoyed partying with his sisters and friends.

But Rey also had a serious side. In high school, he helped in drug education campaigns; beautification drives in his community in Kamuning, Quezon City saw him cleaning up and sprucing up the neighborhood together with the other young people.

In college, Robles was not an activist – he was somewhat turned off by their strong language – but he could sympathize with them on the issues they raised. He wanted explanations for the gross inequalities in Philippine society. He wanted government to be responsible to the citizens.

After earning his license as a chemical engineer in 1970, he was about to take a job at a multinational corporation. But he decided instead to volunteer for a program under the archdiocese of Manila, called Action Leaven, which involved organizing poor communities, establishing cooperatives, conducting discussions among the residents to talk about their problems. In the crowded district of Tondo he soon learned that poverty and crime were not one and the same, and that the poor were far from being lazy and stupid. His first organizational attempt resulted in the Progresibong Kilusang Binhi, a livelihood movement for poor families.

Then he joined the Kilusang Kristiyano ng Kabataang Pilipino (KKKP), where he came to learn about liberation theology, which showed him that religious faith could be a powerful motivation in activism for social change. Here he met priests and nuns, pastors and church intellectuals, organizing protests and joining politically-oriented rallies against the growing authoritarianism of the then Marcos administration. Once he went with a group of priests to Negros where he experienced working in the sugarcane fields alongside the sacada migrant workers, nearly collapsing from the heat of the sun and his hands bleeding from the toil.

Robles became a leader in the KKKP, and a founding member of the Christians for National Liberation when it was organized on the eve of martial law. Despite the restrictions, they continued to meet and organize; Robles was tasked to build a network of students and church members in the Quezon City-Marikina area. In 1973, he was arrested and imprisoned for six months. After his release, he worked in a youth program of the National Council of Churches in the Philippines.

But he felt that his calling was to take up the hard life and sacrifice of a community organizer in the rural areas. Thus he left for Oriental Mindoro and bought a small farm there, establishing himself in the remote town of Gloria. Although Robles had no roots in the area, his natural warmth soon won the hearts and trust of the peasants among whom he chose to live. That, of course, was enough to make the military suspicious of him.

One morning in September 1977, Rey Robles was boiling some bananas for breakfast when government troops made a surprise attack. He was killed instantly by a bullet to the head. His neighbors gave him a proper burial in town. After the fall of the Marcos dictatorship, the Robles family were finally able to exhume his remains for reburial in Manila.

PARENTS Toribio Robles Sr. and Sixta Laminaria

EDUCATION
Elementary: Kamuning Elementary School, Quezon City
Secondary: Quezon City High School
College: Mapua Institute of Technology
Postgraduate: Ateneo Graduate School

RODRIGO, Francisco A.

rodrigo

Francisco Rodrigo was a proud son of Bulacan province, counting as relatives such heroes as the brothers Gregorio and Marcelo H. del Pilar, and masterfully composing prose and poetry in his native Tagalog language.

Widely known as Soc – the nickname, from the Greek philosopher Socrates, came from a teacher impressed by the young man’s keen mind – Rodrigo was a lawyer, an orator and champion debater.

He was a senator for 12 years, from 1955 to 1967. He was also a prominent civic leader, notably serving as president of the Catholic Action of the Philippines, Catholic Educational Association of the Philippines and the Civil Liberties Union.

Unusually for someone of his generation, Rodrigo gained a wide following in all the three traditional mass media: print, radio and television. During the period of martial law, he was a mainstay of the so-called alternative press, We Forum and Malaya, where he wrote political commentaries in Filipino verse, articulating themes of nationalism, protest and reform.

He was imprisoned three times under martial law – first in Fort Bonifacio for 10 weeks, in the company of other political figures; the second time in Bicutan, 1978, eight weeks; and then in Fort Bonifacio again in 1982, one week, after which he was released under house arrest.

Rodrigo campaigned against the ratification of the 1973 martial law constitution and supported an action before the Supreme Court challenging its unconstitutional ratification through citizens' assemblies.

In 1978, despite the overwhelming force of martial law, he joined the political opposition and ran as candidate for the Interim Batasang Pambansa under the Lakas ng Bayan (Laban) party. Then in 1981, he supported the boycott call against the presidential elections, believing that it was merely meant to legitimize the continuation of Marcos' regime.

In 1985, Rodrigo chaired the opposition's National Unification Committee, helping build unity during the 1986 snap presidential elections.

When Corazon Aquino became president, she appointed him to be a member of the Commission that drafted the 1986 Constitution.

Soc Rodrigo died of natural causes in 1998.

PARENTS Melecio Rodrigo and Marcela Aldana
SPOUSE / CHILDREN Remedios Enriquez / 6

EDUCATION
Elementary: Bulacan Elementary School
Secondary: University of the Philippines High School
College: Ateneo de Manila; University of Santo Tomas; University of the Philippines

ROMANO, Rosaleo B.

romano

The abduction and disappearance of Redemptorist priest Rudy Romano in 1985 was one of the best known such cases under the Marcos dictatorship. It drew numerous appeals for his release both here and abroad, and even from Pope John Paul II.

Romano was an activist priest who was at the forefront of the anti-dictatorship movement in the Visayas (he was executive secretary of the Coalition against People’s Persecution, based in Cebu, and national vice-president for the Visayas of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan).

He was on board his motorcycle, returning to Cebu City, when he was stopped by a group of armed men in Tisa, Labangon, a city suburb. Local residents had seen the group apparently waiting for him for hours. There were several strong indications that the military was involved in the crime. Later, two men were tried by a military court for their role in the abduction and kidnapping, but were eventually cleared.

The authorities made a show of finding out what happened to Romano, but his family and supporters were to be disappointed. The brother of one witness was killed while the investigation was going on, and Alfonso Surigao, a lawyer for the Redemptorist priests, was also shot dead in his own backyard.

Romano, 44 years old at the time of his disappearance, was the eldest of nine children of a devout Catholic couple. He spent his boyhood in the family’s hometown of Villareal, Samar. After high school, he began studying to be a Redemptorist missionary in India and Cebu. He was ordained a priest in 1964.

His first assignments were in Samar and Leyte and later to other areas in the Visayas and Mindanao. Then he was appointed regional vocation director for Visayas and Mindanao, traveling to different provinces seeking out candidates for the priesthood and brotherhood. In 1982 he went to Ireland for further studies in theology.

Romano returned to the Philippines in 1983 just as the social and political movement was growing tremendously in the wake of the assassination of Sen. Benigno Aquino Jr. He enthusiastically stepped into his tasks for the Redemptorist Social Apostolate for the Urban Poor in Cebu.

Laborers in Cebu wanted to rise up after years of oppression and exploitation. Romano took their struggles to heart. He helped put up the AMA-Sugbu, a militant workers' alliance in Cebu. He was also spokesman for three city-wide transport strikes in 1984 and 1985.

As the country grew increasingly militarized, he joined Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, helping give shelter and refuge to victims of military harassment. He was himself arrested twice and briefly detained.

But he knew that his safety was in danger. On his last visit home, his father tried to turn him away from his activities in behalf of the poor. “I know they will torture you, they will punish you,” the old man pleaded. “You will die early… And he said, Tatay, don’t you worry… if I die, I have no family and you will know who have killed me. Those were the last words I heard from my son.”

PARENTS Gaudencio Romano and Adelaida Boller

EDUCATION
Secondary: Villareal West Coast Academy, Samar
College: Redemptorist Preparatory Seminary, Iloilo; Redemptorist Novitiate, Cebu;
Redemptorist House of Studies, India; Redemptorist Major Seminary, Cebu

ROXAS, Sofronio P.

roxas final

Sofronio Roxas was born in Leyte. His family, like many landless peasants in the Visayas, moved to Mindanao after the end of the Japanese Occupation in World War II. They were able to find some land to till, and Roxas developed a deep love for the soil – even preferring to stop formal schooling after three years and devoting his time instead to producing crops and seeking better methods of farming.

He developed the idea of cooperative farming, in which groups of 10 to 15 farmers agreed to set aside a common piece of land and to take turns cultivating it, so that the proceeds from the crop could be pooled and set aside as a kind of mutual fund for use in emergencies and common projects such as a community fishpond. Because he was a natural leader and organizer, Roxas was able to set up 25 such groups in his area, Lampayan village, in the town of Matalam, North Cotabato. He worked with Bisayan settlers and Manobo communities alike.

In 1978 the Roman Catholic diocese of Kidapawan in North Cotabato asked Roxas to join its social action center. As a community organizer under the Basic Christian Community program, his job involved visiting many barrios, conducting Bible study sessions, helping the farmers solve local problems. He continued to work on his farm, with his growing sons now providing much of the needed manpower.

But the North Cotabato area was heavily militarized. The authorities soon suspected Roxas of having links to the rebel guerrilla units operating there. Maybe it was because he refused to be submissive, and insisted on carrying out the programs that he thought would help the people become more self-reliant and aware of their rights. He was arrested twice. The first time he was charged with rebellion and subversion but was released and never tried. No charges were filed against him the second time, which lasted two months.

The harassment and the risks intensified as he pursued his work. Many times threats were publicly made by the local militia, the CHDF. Friends suggested that Roxas abandon his work in the diocese, but he continued. He attended protest actions. He criticized corrupt officials. He tried to prepare his family for what he had accepted was inevitable: his own death. In April 1984 his son Diomedes was badly beaten up by soldiers conducting a military operation; one month later the young man died of the injuries to his liver.

One hot noontime, on August 29, 1984, Roxas was heading home from town when he was intercepted by a gunman hiding in the sugarcane field beside the road. A single M16 bullet was fired, knocking him off his horse. Witnesses pointed to a paramilitary man as the likely suspect.

Some 500 placard-bearing mourners joined the funeral march, including priests and other religious and lay people from the diocese's 15 parishes. They called him a true Christian. Kidapawan bishop Orlando Quevedo's paid tribute to him during the funeral mass, saying: "He is one of the people who impressed me. Most of us have had more education, …more technical knowledge than he. But he was a wise man…dedicated, zealous and humble. He served his people and community in Lampayan in a way all of us would wish deep in our hearts but oftentimes fear to do.”

The prelate continued, “I don't hesitate to call Sofronio a martyr. It is for speaking and defending justice and truth that his life was sacrificed."

PARENTS Eulalio Roxas and Basilia Pongos
SPOUSE / CHILDREN Visitacion Cano / 8

SALVADOR, Soledad N.

salvador

Soledad Salvador came from a family that had been tenant farmers in Ilocos Norte for many generations. By working as a housemaid then as a parish worker, she pinned her hopes for a better life on getting an education. Sympathetic church people helped her along, and she was able to graduate from college with a bachelor’s degree in industrial education. But then she had to work again as a maid in Manila because she could not get a job as a teacher, having failed the licensure exam.

Eventually Salvador decided to return to Ilocos Norte to teach catechism at the Badoc parish church. It was there that she became acquainted with the spiritual and social foundations of the Basic Christian Community program. Having grown up in poverty, it was easy for her to see how landlessness, militarization and the historical struggle of the Ilokano peasants were all tied up together.

In 1983 Salvador joined a guerrilla network that was coordinating anti-dictatorship activities, assigned the dangerous task of passing messages back and forth between the town centers and the villages. Then she began to go deeper into guerrilla territory, moving around with teams that were organizing in the rural areas of Ilocos and the Cordillera region. Despite the hardships and a few close encounters with hostile fire, she was always cheerful and ready to go. She got along well with the people, especially the women and children; it was a surprise for them to learn that she was a college graduate, for she had no airs, they said.

Salvador was with a group of armed guerrillas when she was killed in a raid by military troopers in sitio Beyeng, Bakun, Benguet in 1985. The others who died were Fr. Nilo Valerio and Resteta Fernandez. The three were decapitated, their heads stuck on poles and displayed in some sitios of Benguet. Relatives of the three tried to locate where they were buried, but their bodies have never been found.

PARENTS Guillermo Salvador and Pacita Nacional

EDUCATION
Secondary: Araullo Vocational School
College: Mariano Marcos State University, Ilocos Norte

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